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    Default tD&efa&G;aumufyGJaemufqufwGJESifh aqG;aEG;csufrsm;

    tD&eforw a&G;aumufyGJ tBudwfte,f ,SOfNydKif
    12 June 2009

    tD&efjynfol tajrmuftrsm; [m aomMumaeY u orw a&G;aumufyGJ rSm rJoGm;xnhfcJhMuygw,f/ or&dk;us orm; vuf&Sdorw rmrGwf trm'DeD*suf (Mahmoud Ahmadinejad) eJY jyKjyifajymif;vJa&; orm; ,cif 0efMuD;csKyf rm; [lpdef rlqmAD (Mir Hossein Mousavi) wdkY tMudwfte,f ,SOfNydKifaeMuygw,f/

    vlawG rJvmxnhfcJhMuwm u t&if uxuf rMuHKbl;avmufatmif rsm;ygw,fvdkY a&G;aumufyGJ aumfr&Sif OuX urf&ef; 'geufpf*sdK (Kamran Daneshjou) u ajymygw,f/ rJ&HkawG udk tD&ef pHawmfcsdef n 8 em&Dtxd qufzGifhxm;rSmyg vdkY ol u qdkygw,f/ rJay;EdkifcGifh&Sdol 46 oef; teuf rJvmay;Muol pHcsdefwifvdrfhr,fvdkY MudKwif cefYrSef;xm;cJhMuygw,f/

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    VOA rS ul;,laz:jyygonf/
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    1960 jynfhESpfrsm;\ &Sm;bk&ifqefUusifa&; ausmif;om;vIyf&Sm;rIrsm;udk OD;aqmifcJhol? 1979 &Sm;bk&ifawmfvSefa&;wGif bmoma&;acgif;aqmifBuD; t,mwkdvm ckdareDukd axmufcHNyD; EkdifiHjyifyrS tultnDrsm; ay;cJhol? 1980ckESpfwGif tD&efEkdifiH\ a&G;aumufcHorwjzpfcJhNyD;aemufykdif; t,mwkdvm ckdareDESifh xdyfwkdufawGUrIrsm;aMumifh EkdifiHjyifyokdU 'kwd,tBudrfxGufajy;cJh&ol ,ckvuf&Sd jyifopfwGif aexkdifaeol tD&eforwa[mif; tbl t,fvf [mqef bmeD qm'g ESifh EuroNews u raeU uawGUqHkar;jref;cJhygw,f/

    ---------------------------------

    ]]tckvIyf&Sm;rIawGom jzpfoihfonfhyHkpHtwkdif; qufvufxdef;odrf;oGm;Ekdifrnfqkdygu vHkNcHKa&;wyfzGJUrsm;rS vlxktm;ypfcwfrI vkyfEkdifrnf r[kwf}}....
    tblt,fvf[mqefbmeDqm'g


    euronews: Thank you for agreeing to meet and talk to euronews. Do you think it is a good thing that Iran is headline news in the media.

    Abou El Hassan Bani Sadr: Yes, certainly because this time it is different. When Iran has been headline news before it has been about the Atomic bomb, repression or other crisis in the country. But this time it is a movement of the people who want a democracy, a freedom which they are sure they can obtain if they look for it.

    euronews: : There have always been protest movements in Iran. Why is there hope today of change?

    Abou El Hassan Bani Sadr: This time, yes it is true it is an enigma. Will the two candidates who are protesting stay at the heart of the regime like the former President Khatami or will they go out to the people. If they act like Khatami acted during his regime when he put an end to the movement and caused a split it was the beginning of the end. No it is clear that the people hope for reform, nothing else, no other political resolution to the problems of Iran.

    euronews: Do you think Khameni will accept what the people want or will he send in the Pasadaran the guardians of the revolution to suppress the movement.

    Abou El Hassan Bani Sadr: At the moment the guardian of the revolution are always there, they are never absent, repressive forces are always there, every day in the different towns of Iran they stop the people getting together and they will continue to do it. That is the problem. With that inner weakness I dont think they can. I dont believe there is any other way open other than to persuade the two candidate to give up.

    euronews: Is it possible that can happen?

    Abou El Hassan Bani Sadr: It is possible, it is possible because you cant stay at the heart of a regime and oppose Khameni who has complete power it is very difficult.

    euronews: If no political solution is found will there be a blood bath?

    Abou El Hassan Bani Sadr: A blood bath no I dont believe there will be one. If the movement continues the way it has been going the repressive forces will not dare to shoot into the crowd. There would be many deaths. They would say eight have been killed other information would say thirty two. But a blood bath that is something different.

    euronews: Apart from President Sarkozy in France who criticised the election there is a wait and see attitude. President Obama has not been aggressive while the other European leaders havent shown their teeth on this.

    Abou El Hassan Bani Sadr: It is preferable that there is no interference. President Obama should stay neutral. Imagine a young Iranian who leaves home knowing that he may be shot at if he expresses his views and he asks is it happening for what he believes or is it because of the interests of foreign powers. If he has doubts he will certainly That is why I am demanding that the head of foreign countries dont intervene or protest against the suppression. There are many human rights organisations, it is they who should protest. The people must understand that they are the ones who will decide, and it is them who must act and act for their rights.

    euronews: You have been away from Iran for 28 years. Do you think you have a role in a movement in which 50 per cent of the young people were born after the revolution and dont know the people who made the revolution possible.

    Abolhassan Bani Sadr: In the first instance the spontaneous uprising was my idea. People didnt believe and the whole world said Iran was not ready for the revolution and that it was not the solution. For 28 years I have said that it was only the uprising that could regain freedom for the people and today it is the people again who can do that and that proves I was right. Is it the people who have done this because I talked about the uprising. No but I said something that was right.

    euronews: What can stop this uprising today?

    Abolhassan Bani Sadr: :First of all if the regime decides to annul the elections and then hold new ones that would bring great joy to the people and bring and end to this uprising. Secondly an unprecedented repression but I dont believe the regime would do that now. And thirdly the two candidates Karroubi and Mousavi give up their protest and the people would see that they didnt have the backbone to fight.

    euronews: Thank you very much for answering our questions on euronews and thank you for speaking to us in your home



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    THE WHITE HOUSE

    Office of the Press Secretary
    __________________________________________________ _____________

    For Immediate Release June 20, 2009


    Statement from the President on Iran


    The Iranian government must understand that the world is watching. We mourn each and every innocent life that is lost. We call on the Iranian government to stop all violent and unjust actions against its own people. The universal rights to assembly and free speech must be respected, and the United States stands with all who seek to exercise those rights.

    As I said in Cairo, suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away. The Iranian people will ultimately judge the actions of their own government. If the Iranian government seeks the respect of the international community, it must respect the dignity of its own people and govern through consent, not coercion.

    Martin Luther King once said - "The arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends toward justice." I believe that. The international community believes that. And right now, we are bearing witness to the Iranian peoples belief in that truth, and we will continue to bear witness.


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    http://www.liveleak.com/


    http://iran.whyweprotest.net/



    eHeuf 1em&D45rdepfcefUwGif Twitter rS 'Pf&m&olvlemrsm;tm; vufcHukoay;aeaom oH&Hk;rsm;pm&if;udk xkwfjyefvkdufygonf/

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    ]]vlvdrfvlnmrsm;ukd jzKwfypfMu}}

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    Default Neda was My Sister


    raeUu aoewfxdrSefuG,fvGefoGm;aom pdwfynmausmif;ol Neda.

    raeUu AD'D,dkvifhxJwGif aoewfxdrSefaoqHk;oGm;aom rdef;uav;i,fESifh ywfoufNyD; q&m0efwpfOD;rS a&;om;ay;ydkUvmonfh owif;pum;yg/

    ]]rdefuav;i,f? olU tazab;rSm &yfNyD; qE
    jyolvlwef;BuD; Munfh&Itm;ay;aewJhol? ab;em;u t&yfom;tdrfacgifrdk;ay:wufykef;aewJh vufyg;apwpfa,muf u olrudk aoewfeJUvSrf;ypfw,f/ olrukd tay:pD;uae aoaocsmcsm csdefypfvkdufwm/ ESvHk;ukd rSefw,f/ usaemf[m q&m0efyg/ usaemfolrem;csufcsif;a&mufoGm;w,f/ 'gayr,fh 'Pf&mu odyfjyif;w,f/ usnfqHu rdef;uav;i,f&JU &ifbwfxJrSm aygufuGJoGm;cJhao;w,f/ 2rdepftwGif; uG,fvGefoGm;w,f/ wu,fhqEjywJh vlwef;BuD;u 1uDvkdrDwmavmufa0;wJh vrf;rBuD;ay:rSm/ tJ'Duae rsuf&nf,dkAHk;awG xdckdufcH&vkdU 'Dvrf;oG,fxJ vlawG awmfawmfrsm;rsm;ajy;0ifvmMuw,f/ tJ'gudk xGufMunfhaewmAsm/ tJ'D AD'D,kduvpfu usaemfholi,fcsif; &dkufwm/ ol usaemfhab;rSm awmufavsmuf&Sdaew,f/ urmudk odatmifajymay;ygAsm/}}
    LINK


    ]]olrrsufvHk;awGukd usr rMunfh&ufbl;/ olraemufqHk;rsufvHk;awG/ uifr&mudk MunfhaecJhw,f/ olr[m olr&JUaoG;awGeJU rGef;NyD; aoqHk;oGm;cJhw,f/}} AD'D,dkuvpfukd MunfhcJhwJh EkdifiHwuma&muf tD&efausmif;olwpfOD;uajymwmyg/



    Neda was My Sister


    tqkdygrdef;uav;i,frSm Neda [k trnf&ygonf/ 'gu tJ'Drwkdifcifwpf&ufu ykdUpfwpfckyg/ (rl&if;zg&pDbmomudk t*Fvdyfbmom jyefxm;ygonf)
    I will participate in the demonstrations tomorrow. Maybe they will turn violent. Maybe I will be one of the people who is going to get killed. I’m listening to all my favorite music. I even want to dance to a few songs. I always wanted to have very narrow eyebrows. Yes, maybe I will go to the salon before I go tomorrow! There are a few great movie scenes that I also have to see. I should drop by the library, too. It’s worth to read the poems of Forough and Shamloo again. All family pictures have to be reviewed, too. I have to call my friends as well to say goodbye. All I have are two bookshelves which I told my family who should receive them. I’m two units away from getting my bachelors degree but who cares about that. My mind is very chaotic. I wrote these random sentences for the next generation so they know we were not just emotional and under peer pressure. So they know that we did everything we could to create a better future for them. So they know that our ancestors surrendered to Arabs and Mongols but did not surrender to despotism. This note is dedicated to tomorrow’s children…


    raeUnu 'DykdUpfwufvmygw,f/
    Yesterday I wrote a note, with the subject line “tomorrow is a great day perhaps tomorrow I’ll be killed.” I’m here to let you know I’m alive but my sister was killed…I’m here to tell you my sister died while in her father’s hands
    I’m here to tell you my sister had big dreams…
    I’m here to tell you my sister who died was a decent person… and like me yearned for a day when her hair would be swept by the wind… and like me read “Forough” [Forough Farrokhzad]… and longed to live free and equal… and she longed to hold her head up and announce, “I’m Iranian”… and she longed to one day fall in love to a man with a shaggy hair… and she longed for a daughter to braid her hair and sing lullaby by her crib…

    my sister died from not having life… my sister died as injustice has no end… my sister died since she loved life too much… and my sister died since she lovingly cared for people…

    LINK
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  9. #9
    VIMC Busy   botchan is on a distinguished road
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    ,ck qEjyyGJrsm;wGif trsdK;orD;rsm; wufBuGpGm yg0ifonfu xl;jcm;rIjzpfygonf/

    okdU&mwGif ykdxl;jcm;onfu txl;tm;jzifh
    trsdK;orD;rsm;? ausmif;olrsm;udk a&G;cs,fum tBurf;zufESdyfuGyfrIrsm; jyKvkyfaejcif;yifjzpfygonf/ rsufjrifoufaorsm;tqkdt& &Jrsm;? [pfZfbkdvmrsm;? [m;rmhpfrsm;onf trsdK;orD;qEjyolrsm;tm; wrifwum a&G;cs,fum tBurf;zufwkdufckdufrIrsm;udk usL;vGefcJhMuygonf/

    atmufrSYoutube udk Munfhyg/ qE
    jyolrsm;ukd ESdrfeif;&ef &JwyfzGJU armfawmfqkdifu,frsm;jzifh a&mufvmygonf/ a&SUqHk;rS vrf;avsmufvmol &Jwpfa,mufu rSwfwkdifwGif um;apmihfaeolrsm;xJrS trsdK;orD;wpfa,mufudk taMumif;rJh 0ifa&muf&dkufESufonf/ tqkdyg&Judk tjcm;trsdK;orD;i,fwpfa,mufu aemufausmudk 0ifuefonf/ tqkdyg&Ju aemufvSnfhvmNyD; apmapmu uefausmufol rdef;uav;ukd &kdufonf/ tqkdygjzpf&yfukd awGUoGm;aom tjcm;&Jwpfa,mufESifh vufyg;apwpfa,mufu rdef;uav;udk 2a,mufNydKifwl 0if&kdufonf/ vufyg;ap ([m;rmpf? [pfbkdvm) &kdufoGm;onfhyHkpHrSm vlukd &dkuf&eftxl;wvnfavhusifhxm;onfrSef;odomonf/ xl;jcm;csufrSm rSwfwkdifwGif vlrsm;pGm &Sdaeaomfvnf; rdef;uav; 3a,mufukdom 0dkif;0ef;&kdufESufoGm;onfrSm tb,faMumifhenf;/ rdef;uav;rsm;ukd &kdufESufjcif;onf Oya't& cGifhjyKxm;ygovm;/ a,musfm;av;rsm;udk tb,faMumifh r&kdufESuf&ygoenf;/



    t&ifaeU qE
    jyyGJrsm;wGifvnf; rdef;uav;rsm;udkom a&G;cs,f&kdufESufcJhonfrsm; txift&Sm;&SdaeNyD; (a&SUydkif;u yHkawGjyefMunfhMunfhyg) yxrqHk;aeU u uG,fvGefoGm;aom wD[D&efwuokdvfausmif;y&0PfrS &Jrsm; vufyg;aprsm;\ tMurf;zufrIrsm;wGif yxrqHk; aoqHk;oGm;Muaom qEjyolrsm;wGif ausmif;oltrsm;tjym;yg0ifcJh&ygonf/
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  10. #10
    VIMC Busy   botchan is on a distinguished road
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    tD&eftpkd;&TV owif;wGif orwa[mif; &yfzfqef*smeD\ orD;ESifh ajr;(rdef;uav;) tygt0if aqGrsdK;om;csif; 5a,mufudk zrf;qD;vkdufw,fqkdwm twnfjyKajymMum;vkdufygonf/ &yfzfqef*smeDonf NyD;cJhwJh aomMumaeU EkdifiHawmf0wfjyKyGJukdvnf; wufa&mufcJhjcif;r&Sday/

    LINK


    taxGaxGoydwfBuD;qifETJzkdU twkduftcHrsm;rS vIHUaqmfvsuf&Sdaeygonf/ yxrqHk;taejzifh tD&eftpkd;&ESifh tusdK;wl yl;aygif;vkyfukdifvsuf&Sdaeaom a&eHukr
    PDrsm;tm; oydwfarSmuf&efjzpfygonf/

    paeaeUtpkd;&owif;aMunmcsufwGif xljcm;rIwpfckudk owdjyKrdcJhMuygonf/ &IH;edrfhoGm;ol orwavmif; Mohsen Rezai onf rJqE
    aygif; 3.5oef;rS 7oef;Mum;wGif &&SdcJhonf[k owif;a0zefcsufwGif aMunmoGm;ygonf/ tqkdyg ajymMum;csufrSm vGefcJhaom wpfywfu tpkd;&aMunmcsufwGif rJpkpkaygif; 6odef; 8aomif;om &&SdcJhonf[k aMunmcsufESifh vHk;0uGJjym;aeaMumif; owif;udkem;axmifcJhol tD&efwpfOD;uajymygonf/

    &kdufwmrSvmaom owif;wpfyk'fwGif twkduftcHrsm;bufrS 0gt&ihfqHk;jzpfonfh t,mwkdvm [kdpdef tvD rGefwmZ,f&D Ayatollah Hossein Ali Montazeri u olUwebsite rSae
    ]]jynfolrsm;\ qEudk qefUusifjcif;onf bmoma&;t& wm;jrpfxm;onfht&mjzpfonf/ Ak'[l;aeUrS pwifNyD; EkdifiHawmf0rf;enf;jcif; txdrf;trSwf 3&ufusif;yrnfjzpfaMumif; owfrSwfaMunmvkdufonf[k az:jyxm;ygonf/ NyD;cJhaom a&G;aumufyGJESihfywfouf ]]ynm&SdolawG&JU rSefuefaom todmPfjzifhpOf;pm;ygu ,HkMunfEkdifp&m vHk;0r&Sd}} [k a&;om;az:jyxm;ygonf/

    awmifudk;&D;,m; Yonhap owif;XmerS "gwfyHkowif;axmufonf raeUu Azadi &ifjyifwGif "gwfyHk&kdufaepOf vufyg;aprsm;u zrf;qD;oGm;ygonf/ 1uDvkdrDwmcefUa0;aom ae&mokdUac:aqmifoGm;NyD; pm&Gufpmwrf;rsm;udk ppfaq;um ,ckae&mrS jrefjrefxGufcGmoGm;&efajymNyD; vTwfay;vkdufygonf/

    bDbDpDowif;axmuftm;vnf; owif;rSm;rsm;udk ay;ydkUcJhaomaMumifh tD&efEkdifiHwGif;rS 24em&DtwGif;xGufcGmoGm;&ef &mZoHay;vkdufNyDjzpfygonf/


    NEWS

    LINK1

    LINK2

    LINK3

    LINK4



    VIDEO LINKS


    Security cracks down on Iran protests (ABC News)

    Images of woman shot in Iran (7pm TV News NSW)

    Violence escalates in Iran (7pm TV News NSW)




    AUDIO LINKS

    Forced to leave Tehran (Correspondents Report)

    Ayatollah threatens 'dire consequences' for protestors (AM)

    BBC responds to Ayatollah's warning (AM)

    Protests likely to persist despite threats of a crackdown (AM)




    Updates





    --------------------------------------------

    vufyg;ap [k nTef;qkdolrsm;rSm Basij [kac:wGifolrsm;jzpfMuNyD; xkdolwkdU taMumif;udk New Yorker Magazine rS Jon Anderson u olUaqmif;yg;wGif atmufygtwkdif;a&;om;cJhygonf/

    Jon Anderson: Understanding The Basij




    Thirty years ago, during the demonstrations that led to the Shah’s downfall, one of the dominant images was scenes of uniformed soldiers firing live ammunition at protesters. This week, Iran’s clerics seem determined, at least, not to repeat that historic mistake. They remember that the daily news coverage of the Shah’s soldiers shooting and killing unarmed protesters precipitated the collapse of the regime.

    Instead, bearded plainclothes militiamen have been attacking and harassing the demonstrators in Tehran this past week. These are Basijis, members of a civilian paramilitary organization founded by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini in 1979. It was conceived of as a civilian auxiliary force subordinate to the Revolutionary Guards, and so it has functioned over the past three decades. During the eight-year Iran-Iraq war, fervent Basijis volunteered to serve on the front lines. For a time, very young Basijis were encouraged to offer themselves for martyrdom by clearing minefields with their bodies in what became known as “human waves”—literally walking to their deaths en masse so that more experienced soldiers could advance against the enemy. An Iranian friend of mine who is a war veteran described the Basiji boy martyrs as having played a tragic but significant role in the war, by providing Iran with a “flesh wall” against Saddam Hussein’s vastly superior Western-supplied military technology.

    In peacetime, the corps lets the Islamic regime employ violence as a form of social control while retaining some plausible deniability; scruffy bearded men in civilian clothes are not, after all, uniformed soldiers. The Basij is now said to have some 400,000 active members nationwide, with perhaps a million more reservists; in some ways, their relationship to Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who is also their commander in chief, recalls the one between Nicolae Ceausescu and the loyalist miners trucked in from the Romanian countryside to strong-arm pro-democracy protestors. From 1997 to 2005, during the reformist presidency of Mohammad Khatami, the Basij showed its usefulness again, by attacking students at demonstrations. Some students were killed. The protests died out.

    President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, who I wrote about for The New Yorker in April, is a Basiji, and the organization has always been an important part of his power base. During the past four years, with Mahmoud Ahmadinejad as president and the reform movement dormant, the Basij has not been needed as shock troops. Instead they have made their presence felt by periodically throwing up traffic barricades on the streets of Tehran and stopping cars to smell the breath of drivers for evidence of illegal alcohol consumption, or to question couples about their marital status. These Basijis are usually scruffy working-class men, and thus bring an element of notional “class struggle” to the otherwise pragmatically lived lives of the citizens of the Islamic republic. Not surprisingly, among more educated and affluent Iranians, they are almost unanimously despised.

    In the mass demonstrations that have taken place this week, the modus operandi of the Basijis has been brutal and predatory. They have used the same tactics as packs of African wild dogs worrying a herd of wildebeest. They choose their targets at the edges of the crowds, going for the vulnerable and unwary stragglers, and moving in as a group to reduce them with violence. Last Monday, the men who fired guns at demonstrators from the rooftops of buildings were almost certainly Basijis. They killed seven demonstrators at their leisure, and it also seems likely that they hoped this display of lethal intent would so intimidate the protesters that they would give up and go home.

    Clearly, that did not work, and it is probable that they were ordered to tone down such public displays of violence, at least for the time being. But they have continued to attack surreptitiously and in terrifying ways, jumping demonstrators as they return home on darkened streets at night.


    The Basij also connects Ahmadinejad to his spiritual mentor, Ayatollah Mesbah-e-Yazdi, a conservative hard-liner who is extremely hostile to the West and has frequently called for a stricter interpretation of Iran’s Islamic revolution, which he believes has strayed from the path set out for it by the late Imam Khomeini. Yazdi has frequently endorsed the use of violence against critics of the regime. In 2005, he openly and controversially encouraged his followers to vote for Ahmadinejad.





    Basij militia HQ burns

    Amateur video shows the Basij headquarters set ablaze while smoke rises into a darkened sky.

    LINK






    ------------------------------------------------------

    Bullets and Barrels

    By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN
    New York Time


    Published: June 20, 2009
    The popular uprising unfolding in Iran right now really is remarkable. It is the rarest of rare things — more rare than snow in Saudi Arabia, more unlikely than finding a ham sandwich at the Wailing Wall, more unusual than water-skiing in the Sahara. It is a popular uprising in a Middle Eastern oil state.

    Why is this so unusual? Because in most Middle East states, power grows out of the barrel of a gun and out of a barrel of oil — and that combination is very hard to overthrow.
    Oil is a key reason that democracy has had such a hard time emerging in the Middle East, except in one of the few states with no oil: Lebanon. Because once kings and dictators seize power, they can entrench themselves, not only by imprisoning their foes and killing their enemies, but by buying off their people and using oil wealth to build huge internal security apparatuses.
    There is only one precedent for an oil-funded autocrat in the Middle East being toppled by a people’s revolution, not by a military coup, and that was in ... Iran.
    Recall that in 1979, when the Iranian people rose up against the shah of Iran in an Islamic Revolution spearheaded by Ayatollah Khomeini, the shah controlled the army, the Savak secret police and a vast network of oil-funded patronage. But at some point, enough people taking to the streets and defying his authority, and taking bullets as well, broke the shah’s spell. All the shah’s horses and all the shah’s men, couldn’t put his regime back together again.
    The Islamic Revolution has learned from the shah. It has used its oil wealth — Iran is the world’s fifth-largest oil producer, exporting about 2.1 million barrels a day at around $70 a barrel — to buy off huge swaths of the population with cheap housing, government jobs and subsidized food and gasoline. It’s also used its crude to erect a vast military force — namely the Revolutionary Guard and the Basij militia — to keep itself in power.
    Therefore, the big question in Iran today is: Can the green revolution led by Mir Hussein Moussavi, and backed by masses of street protestors, do to the Islamic regime what Ayatollah Khomeini and the Iranian people did to the shah’s regime — break its spell so all its barrels and bullets become meaningless?
    Iran’s ruling mullahs were always ruthless. But they disguised it a bit with faux elections. I say faux elections because while the regime may have counted the votes accurately, it tightly controlled who could run. The choices were dark black and light black.
    What happened this time is that the anger at the regime had reached such a level — because of near-20 percent unemployment and a rising youth population tired of seeing their life’s options limited by theocrats — that given a choice between a dark black regime candidate and a light black regime candidate, millions of Iranians turned out for light black: Mr. Moussavi. The Iranian people turned the regime man into their own candidate, and he seems to have been transformed by them. That is why the regime panicked and stole the election.
    The playwright Tom Stoppard once observed that democracy is not the voting, “it’s the counting.” Iran’s mullahs were always ready to allow voting, as long as the counting didn’t matter, because a regime man was always going to win. But what happened this time was that in the little crack of space that the regime had to allow for even a faux election, some kind of counter-revolution was born.
    Yes, its leader, Mr. Moussavi, surely is less liberal than most of his followers. But just his lighter shade of black attracted and unleashed so much pent-up frustration and hope for change among many Iranians that he became an independent candidate and, thus, his votes simply could not be counted — because they were not just a vote for him, but were a referendum against the entire regime.
    But now, having voted with their ballots, Iranians who want a change will have to vote again with their bodies. A regime like Iran’s can only be brought down or changed if enough Iranians vote as they did in 1979 — in the street. That is what the regime fears most, because then it either has to shoot its own people or cede power. That is why it was no accident that the “supreme leader,” Ayatollah Khamenei, warned protestors in his Friday speech that “street challenge is not acceptable.” That’s a man who knows how he got his job.
    And so the gauntlet is now thrown down. If the reformers want change, they are going to have to form a leadership, lay out their vision for Iran and keep voting in the streets — over and over and over. Only if they keep showing up with their bodies, and by so doing saying to their regime “we cannot be bought and we will not be cowed,” will their ballots be made to count.
    I am rooting for them and fearing for them. Any real moderation of Iran’s leadership would have a hugely positive effect on the Middle East. But we and the reformers must have no illusions about the bullets and barrels they are up against.


    LINK



    ----------------------------------------------------



    Analysis: Dissension in the ranks


    Ayatollah Ali Khamenei's Friday sermon, which called for an end to mass protests contesting the outcome of last week's presidential elections and which carried an implicit threat of "bloodshed and chaos" if they continued, has raised the stakes in the ongoing standoff between the government and opposition in Iran.

    The stage may now be set for a violent showdown. Past experience, however, raises questions whether the security forces can be uniformly relied on to implement an order to violently quash the protests, and whether such an order could in fact spark unrest within the ranks of the security forces that could have significant implications
    for the future stability of the regime.


    According to
    the constitution of the Islamic Republic, the army is responsible for defending Iran's borders and maintaining internal order, while the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) is responsible for protecting the regime.

    In practice, matters are not so clear-cut. During the Iran-Iraq War, the IRGC (and its popular militia, the Basij) fought alongside regular military units at the front. This ambiguity regarding roles and missions has continued until today: The regular military and IRGC routinely hold joint military exercises, while the Basij has, in the wake of the US invasion of Iraq, played a greater role in preparing to confront a foreign invasion, implementing the regime's new "mosaic" doctrine, and preserving the values of the revolution.


    The IRGC and Basij also routinely participate in exercises that hone their ability to deal with domestic unrest. The Law Enforcement Forces (LEF) is a partner with the Basij (and ultimately the IRGC) in these efforts to maintain domestic order.

    The intermittent unrest that has racked Iran since the early 1990s has occasionally exposed latent tensions between the country's political and military leadership, as well as political differences between the senior echelons of the armed forces and the rank-and-file, raise questions about the implications of a violent crackdown in Iran today. The first sign of trouble was the refusal of army and IRGC units garrisoned near Qazvin (a major town northwest of Teheran) to obey orders to quash riots there in August 1994.


    The commanders of these units apparently refused to turn their weapons on the Iranian people. The regime was forced to airlift in special IRGC and Basij antiriot units from elsewhere to put down the violence.

    The May 1997 election of reformist candidate Muhammad Khatami to the presidency put further stress on civil-military relations. Though senior IRGC officers had endorsed his conservative opponent (Majlis speaker Ali Akbar Nateq Nouri), credible post-election press reports indicated that IRGC personnel voted for Khatami in even greater proportions than did the general population (73 percent versus 69%.)
    This indicates that the IRGC - a military organization long thought to have been a bastion of support for conservative hardliners - was in fact riven by the same divisions as Iranian society. This, perhaps, should not have come as a surprise, due to the fact that for the past two decades, the IRGC has increasingly come to rely on conscripts to meet its manpower needs, due to a drastic decline in volunteers. This raised questions about the political reliability of the IRGC should it be needed to quell popular unrest.

    LINK


    -----------------------------------------------------


    Young woman describes beating at hands of paramilitary


    TEHRAN, Iran (CNN) -- A 19-year-old woman who was wounded by Iranian paramilitary forces with clubs escaped with her camera and shared her photos with CNN -- after tricking a paramilitary soldier into thinking she had given him the images on a disk.

    The woman -- whose identity is being withheld by CNN -- said Sunday that on the previous day "the streets were full of guards and policemen."

    "They were hitting everyone, and everywhere was fire because of the tear gas they throw at us," she said.

    She was walking to Freedom Square in Tehran with a group of fellow demonstrators, but the Basij -- voluntary paramilitary forces that answer to the government -- wouldn't let them get through, she said.
    They warned the group to turn around. "They said, 'Just run, and don't even walk.' We were just running away -- and we were hit, of course," she said.

    It was too crowded to flee quickly, she said. "I said, 'I can't run. How can I run? It's so crowded in here.

    "He hit me and he was twice [as big] as me -- he was so big. And I said, 'You want to hit me?' And he said, 'Yes' and then he hit me with a club."

    She told CNN a Basij member hit her with a club, and then her foot was hit by a stone.

    "Today I couldn't go out because my foot was injured and I couldn't run anymore. And I was sure: If I go out, I'm going to die. So I didn't go out today."

    The group fought back by throwing stones at the soldiers, she said. "We had nothing to defend ourselves. Just the smallest stones we throw at them."

    There were many women among the crowd of demonstrators trying to get to Freedom Square, she said. "We gave the boys the stones because we can't throw them so far. We gave them the stones, and we said the slogans."

    The young woman said many in Iran think Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei is lying about the results of the June 12 election, in which incumbent President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was declared the winner with more than 62 percent of the vote.

    "We don't care who is the president now," she said. "We had rather [opposition candidate Mir Hossein] Moussavi, but now when our leader says it was fair and we know that it's not, I think that it's about our country. We want the truth."

    The young woman sent photos of Saturday's incident to CNN via iReport

    At one point when she was in her car, a member of the Basij stopped her and tried to get her photos, she said. But she tricked him, giving him an empty memory card while keeping the one that held the images.
    She said her father, after learning of all that had transpired, said to her, "I'm so lucky that you're alive.


    LINK

    -----------------------------------------------------------


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